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China remains one
of the world’s most popular foreign investment destinations. Yet
the evidence suggests that some of the commonly accepted
assumptions of mutual benefit are false.
During his address
to the Fortune Global Forum in Beijing on May 18, Bo Xilai, the
Chinese Minister of Commerce, claimed that China has been very
profitable for foreign businesses. He said that of more than
280,000 foreign invested enterprises in operation between 1990
and 2004, two-thirds were profitable.[1] According to the 2004
survey of the American Chamber of Commerce in China,
three-fourths of surveyed U.S. companies in China were making a
profit, and for 42 percent of them, their profit ratio in China
exceeded their global average. A "2005 Foreign Investment
Survey" published by the Chinese edition of Fortune magazine
emphasizes that doing business in China is by no means as
unprofitable as is often suggested outside of China. More than
90 percent of foreign companies think that they can make a
profit within five years.[2]
China is currently
facing its second wave of “capital flight”
These articles make
a point of saying that foreign investors can make substantial
profits in China. It’s a question worth examining. On February
17 of this year, the Financial Times published an article by
Geoff Dyer entitled "China: Paradise or Graveyard for Foreign
Enterprises?"[3] The facts Dyer cites run counter to Bo Xilai's
conclusion: In 2003, China, with a population of 1.3 billion
people, generated profits of $4.4 billion for U.S. companies,
while Australia, with a population of 19 million, generated $4.9
billion. Mexico, with a population of 95 million, produced
profits of $5.75 billion for U.S. companies.
The figures cited
by Bo Xilai ignore two facts. The first is that half of China’s
foreign investors have pulled out after suffering major losses.
The second is that of the more than 500,000 foreign-invested
companies in China, some 220,000, or 44 percent, have yet to
begin operations.
These top-secret
Chinese statistics were leaked through a fortuitous set of
circumstances. During last year’s debate over the unification of
the two-tier tax regime (one for foreign invested enterprises
and one for domestic Chinese enterprises), a report issued by
the State Council's National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC)
proposed eliminating preferential tax rates for foreign
companies based on the rationale that China is currently
attracting too much foreign investment, which is already posing
a threat to the security of the Chinese economy.
In addition,
anxious Ministry of Commerce officials, who are in charge of
foreign investment, last July published figures indicating that
the "accumulated amount of foreign investment actually utilized"
in China was $559 billion, of which almost half had been
withdrawn. There were 505,568 registered foreign-invested
enterprises, but the number actually operational was less than
two thirds of this figure. Huang Hai, the Assistant Minister of
Commerce who released these figures, said that because China has
no statistics on foreign direct investment stock, the term
"accumulated amount of foreign investment actually utilized" has
been widely employed instead. This figure does not reflect the
termination of operations by foreign enterprises and the
withdrawal of foreign capital. Up to the end of last year,
China's foreign direct investment stock was approximately $250
billion, only half of the $501.4 billion in foreign investment
actually utilized during the same period.[4]
Where are all these
profits going? Here is a revealing statistic: Last July, Su
Xiaolu, director of the Anti-Avoidance Division of the State
Taxation Bureau, declared that 55 percent of foreign-invested
enterprises had reported a loss (although he believed that many
had done so fraudulently in order to evade taxes).[5] Local
statistics also indicate that foreign companies in China are not
profitable. Recently, the Guangdong Province Statistical Bureau
conducted an investigation of 696 key foreign-invested
enterprises and found that almost half of those in the
province’s western, eastern and mountainous northern regions had
reported losses.[6]
In the current
market situation, foreign capital is both entering and leaving
China. In April of this year, the international electric power
giants American Electric Power Co., Sithe Energy, Alstom, and
Siemens withdrew from the Chinese market. If the foreign
electric power companies that pulled out of the Chinese market
in 2000 and 2001 were the "first ebb tide," today's pullout is
the "second ebb tide."[7]
In the past ten
years, excessive management, regulatory and external costs have
inhibited China's business development. Even numerous special
economic zones that offer tax breaks have been affected and are
finding it hard to generate profits. But the head offices of
these foreign companies always claim that there is a bright
future for investment in China, and as a result, China-concept
stocks were briefly all the rage on Wall Street.
How foreign
businesses create a profitable outlook
The difficulties of
making a profit in China are no secret to foreign enterprises in
China. Many foreign CEOs in Beijing admit privately that very
few people consider China to be a profitable market. Given the
problems, why do more and more foreign companies continue to
enter the Chinese market every year?
To put it bluntly,
the reason is very simple: foreign companies that have suffered
a crushing defeat in the Chinese market deceive their head
offices with reports of outstanding performance. On many
occasions, I have heard senior managers at major corporations
say in private that carping about the losses suffered by
China-based subsidiaries is not advantageous to U.S. companies,
because a company's image is an important factor in the
valuation of its stock. Moreover, in the world of American
industry and commerce, China is generally considered the world's
last major unexploited market. By investing in China, companies
express confidence in their own future. If they pull all their
investments out of China, their corporate image is liable to
take a beating. When I visited Germany in April 2004, the China
representative of an insurance company told me as much. Although
his research and observations gave him no cause for optimism
about the prospects of the China market, his boss simply refused
to listen to what he had to say. "Either you give us the
evidence [we want to hear], or you get lost!" To stay in the
company, he had to find "evidence" of the advantages of the
China market.
Under these
circumstances, China representatives of major companies
invariably tell their head offices that they are making a
profit. The only difference is in how skillfully they lie.
Numerous public relations firms have emerged in China to help
the representative offices of major foreign companies tout their
stellar performance by means of slick and plausible arguments
when the parent company's CEO or chief financial officer comes
to China to check up on their work.
The first line of
defense is to prepare heaps of briefings and PowerPoint
presentations showing apparently sound and cautiously optimistic
but vague long-term projects against a backdrop of favorable
market development. At the same time, local executives leave
room to maneuver by pointing out that certain uncertain factors
have emerged in dealing with the local government. The second
line of defense is to hire help (such as a PR firm) that can
play the role of an independent auditor during company meetings.
The PR firm's task is to say that after a painstaking
investigation and review, it fully approves of the China
representative's market plan. The third line of defense is to
let the PR firm schedule a trip full of appointments,
entertainment events, and meetings and banquets with Chinese
partners. The aim is to ensure that even if the CEO or chief
financial officer doesn’t get to discuss what he had planned in
any detail, he will end the trip with a feeling of
satisfaction.[8]
If such lies are
told often enough, they provide the best cover for the Chinese
subsidiary (or representative office) of a major corporation.
The first five years are the net investment period. Once these
five years are up, the China representative office can find all
sorts of reasons to pass the buck. A common excuse is to point
to China's changing political and economic environment. But the
day eventually comes when the parent company is no longer
willing to invest an excessive amount of irrecoverable funds to
preserve its corporate image or share price, and the branch
office finally withdraws from China.
PR firms that act
as intermediaries between parent companies and their local
subsidiaries are a peculiarly Chinese phenomenon. The success of
such companies speaks volumes about how little trust there is
left in Chinese society.
The flawed
assumption of democratization through economic development
However mixed the
results for foreign companies, foreign investment is widely
considered to be highly beneficial for China. In particular, it
has become a universally accepted premise in discussions about
China that "economic development will inevitably spur China's
democratization." Three or four years ago, when there was talk
about how China would change politically after it joined the
World Trade Organization, many people based their arguments on
this premise, which is almost never called into question. The
most forceful argument made at the time was this: After China
joined the WTO, multinational companies would compel the Chinese
government and industry to conduct business according to the
international rules of the game. This was supposed to reduce
corruption and spur China's democratization.
My retort was quite
simple: First, this presupposition is not supported by
international experience, because India and Mexico are WTO
members, but corruption in those countries is as rampant as
ever. Since joining the WTO hasn't resulted in less corruption
there, it’s unlikely to bring such a result in China, either.
Second, this presupposition is not supported by Chinese
experience. China attracted massive foreign investment in the
1980s and 1990s, but all the evidence indicates that this
investment did not improve China’s institutional environment.
Foreign companies[9] simply adjusted to China's corrupt
practices. This is another illustration of the old saying "When
transplanted, the orange tree produces bad fruit." [10] Although
people I‘ve spoken with haven’t refuted my two arguments
directly, many continue to insist that "a big influx of foreign
investment will reduce corruption."
Because people
assume that economic development will inevitably spur China's
democratization and that foreign investment is the main engine
of economic development, they overstate the impact of foreign
investment beyond its economic function and tend to credit it as
a factor promoting political development. As a result,
attracting foreign investment becomes a mantle of moral
principle with which Western investors are only too happy to
drape themselves. When Western businesspeople lobby their own
governments to formulate policies toward China and try to
persuade human rights organizations, this is always their trump
card.
The joint effort of
the Chinese government and foreign companies has made foreign
investment one the horses pulling the troika of China's economic
growth, and China is becoming increasingly reliant on foreign
investment. Foreign direct investment (FDI) reportedly now
accounts for 40 percent of China’s GDP.[11] According to the
most recent OECD report on "Trends and Recent Developments in
Foreign Direct Investment," in 2003 China attracted an FDI
inflow of $53 billion, elevating it for the first time to the
top global destination for FDI. The United States ranked second,
with an FDI inflow of $39.9 billion.[12]
The world has long
forgotten Karl Marx's incisive observation that capital obeys
profit and makes its home wherever profit is to be made ("For
the sake of 300 percent profit, there is no risk that the
capitalist will not run, even at the risk of being
hanged.").[13] Even Chinese nationalists who warned that the
influx of foreign capital would squeeze out local industry
forgot this truism, and apparently assumed that foreign
businesses investing in China were pursuing the lofty goal of
promoting China's economic development.
The Chinese
government treads very carefully when dealing with foreign
investors suspected of being involved in corruption. For
example, when in 2003 the Anti-Corruption Department of the
Jinan City Procuratorate in Shandong Province began looking into
corruption cases involving senior managers of foreign
enterprises, its investigators were told not to drive police
cars or wear uniforms to avoid bad publicity that might harm
foreign enterprises.[14] Even so, in the past couple of years
several cases of foreign companies offering bribes have come to
light. According to incomplete statistics, the number of such
cases has grown steadily since 2000. In 2003 alone, there were
more than 1,500 reported cases of foreign companies suspected of
being involved in bribery and corruption—a 20 percent increase
over the previous year.[15] Senior public relations executives
at foreign companies also circulate colorful stories of bribery
and corruption that never appear in the media.
Over the past year,
the ethical image and economic repercussions of foreign
investment have been repeatedly called into question.
Accusations come from three quarters: First, foreign investors’
ethical image has taken a drubbing. A string of cases of foreign
investors involved in corruption, including serious tax evasion,
has come to light. Second, quite a few academics have begun to
denounce China for ceding markets without obtaining technology
in return. Third, foreign companies themselves have begun to
reflect on how successful they have actually been in China.
How foreign
companies adapt to China's corrupt system
Several friends of
mine who work as government liaison officers for foreign
companies have told me that multinational companies are forced
to engage in corruption in China. When these companies first
arrived in China in the 1980s and began to open up new markets,
those that were not accustomed to giving bribes quickly realized
that they were at a disadvantage compared with those who were.
After many lost opportunities, they began to tacitly consent to
bribery. The first to assimilate to the corrupt Chinese
environment were Hong Kong and Taiwanese entrepreneurs, who had
ties of blood and culture with China and no fundamental cultural
aversion to corruption. The next to adapt were Japanese and
South Korean enterprises, which also had cultural affinities
with China. The last were the Europeans and Americans.
Many multinational
companies fully realize that in the Chinese environment you have
to “pay to play,” and that in order to reap profits that rightly
belong to the public, they must first give kickbacks to
government officials. The Chinese have a saying: "Sheep's wool
comes off a sheep's body." Foreign companies that want to do
business with China (the sheep) have to pay bribes, but the
money from those bribes comes from China anyway, so it's no skin
off their backs. As the cost of paying bribes is made up for in
huge mark-ups, foreign companies have adopted a wise strategy of
"making a big profit at a relatively low cost," which requires
them to play by the Chinese rules of the game, accept "Chinese
characteristics," and participate in corruption. In fact, when
it comes to handing out bribes, Western companies have become
disciples that surpass their masters; even their Hong Kong and
Taiwanese forerunners can't compare in method and style.
Over the past two
years, foreign investors have repeatedly been exposed as
bribers. On December 4, 2002, Peng Muyu, the head of Yunnan's
Department of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation, was
convicted of taking bribes. When approving a project for a
Kunming based-company, he had allowed his wife to receive gifts
worth 100,000 yuan. Another scandal broke in 2004 when on April
8, the American telecommunications equipment maker Lucent
Technologies announced that it had fired four executives at its
China operation, including the president and chief operating
officer Qi Daoxie, for violations of the U.S. Foreign Corrupt
Practices Act.[16] Then, on May 27, Paris examining magistrate
Roger Le Loire revealed that the famous French architect Paul
Andreu had been awarded the contract to design the National
Theater in Beijing in an "irregular way," "irregular" serving as
a euphemism for bribery.[17]
The golden key
to the Chinese market
Why do foreign
companies have to pay bribes to Chinese government officials to
do business in China? This is entirely attributable to China's
peculiar political landscape during this period of
transformation. Cheryl W. Gray and Daniel Kaufmann have
identified five objectives that multinational companies
operating in Russia, Brazil and China accomplish through bribing
government officials:[18]
1. Government
contracts: Bribes can influence the choice of private parties to
supply public goods and services and the exact terms of those
supply contracts. It can also affect the terms of contract
renewal during project implementation.
2. Government
benefits: Bribes can influence the allocation of monetary
benefits (tax relief, subsidies, pensions or unemployment
insurance) or in-kind benefits (access to privileged schools,
medical care, housing and real estate or ownership stakes in
enterprises being privatized).
3. Public revenues:
Bribes can be used to reduce the amount of taxes or other fees
collected by the government from private entities.
4. Time savings and
regulatory avoidance: Bribes can speed up the process of gaining
official permission for legal activities.
5. Influencing the
outcomes of legal and regulatory processes: Bribes can alter the
outcomes of legal and regulatory processes by inducing the
government to overlook illegal activities (such as drug dealing
or pollution) or to unduly favor one party over another in court
cases or other legal proceedings.
In all of the
countries under discussion, the government still interferes
heavily in economic activity. Particularly in China, the
government not only establishes the rules of the economic game,
but is also the judge and a player. Government officials control
policy making and the natural resources necessary for industrial
development, as well as the issuing of business licenses, and
they use this "social capital" to extract bribes. Because
government officials have diverted this capital to domestic
industries and have contrived to make huge illicit profits
themselves, they are not about to cede it to foreign companies
of their own accord. In accordance with the principle of
maximizing profit, they bestow special favors on those foreign
investors who can give them more access to benefits such as
enabling their children to study abroad and their family members
to emigrate.
Generally speaking,
multinational enterprises follow relatively standard management
practices, and in their home countries they are quite
"well-behaved." But corruption is a common practice in China,
and if companies want to make a profit here, they have to follow
local custom. Bribery allows them to circumvent policy barriers
and quickly gain market access and all sorts of other benefits.
Given the reality on the ground, if foreign companies want to
keep their hands clean, their only option is to quit the China
market.
For that reason,
although Chinese people hope that multinational companies will
compel the Chinese government and industry to play by the
international rules of the game and pull them from the mire of
corruption, it is a demonstrable fact that these companies have
failed to have a positive effect on Chinese government and
industry. Rather, they have learned to conform to China's
corrupt system and play by the Chinese rules of the game, and
have repeatedly shown themselves to be the main givers of
bribes.
In the mid-1990s,
the Chinese government was still accusing Hong Kong and
Taiwanese investors of corrupting honest Chinese officials. For
example, the Supreme Procuratorate of Guangdong Province issued
a report arguing that Hong Kong investors used "sugarcoated
bullets" to target Chinese officials. Although the Chinese
government is no longer claiming that Hong Kong and Taiwanese
businesspeople are colluding to corrupt Chinese officials, some
Chinese people think that China should send a punitive
expedition against the chief foreign culprits, as if Chinese
officials were the victims. What these muddle heads don't
realize is that, as the Chinese saying goes, “No flies settle on
uncracked eggs.” If foreign companies weren't forced to adapt to
China's corrupt system, would they really want to give bribes?
How did foreign
enterprises master corruption?
On July 23, 2004,
the Guangzhou-based Asia-Pacific Economic Times (Yatai Jingji
Shibao) published an article entitled "Shocking Bribery: The
Inside Story of the Telecom Industry; Anti-Corruption
Organizations Face a Serious Challenge."[19] According to a
survey conducted by the Beijing-based consultancy Anbound Group,
over the past decade there has been a steady increase in the
number of documented cases of multinational companies offering
bribes in China. Chinese authorities have investigated at least
500,000 bribery cases, 64 percent of which are related to
international trade and foreign businessmen.
The Asia-Pacific
Economic Times article revealed tricks foreign enterprises used
to give bribes, aside from the methods often used by Chinese
companies. As multinational companies enjoy all sorts of
advantages and have a lot of money to spend on bribery, they
have long surpassed the Taiwanese and Hong Kong businesses that
the Guangdong Procuratorate accused of corrupting Chinese
government officials. The article highlights the following
methods:
1. Fictitious
positions. To ease pressure on banks to attract deposits and
increase service volumes, some foreign banks hire senior
officials or the relatives of the heads of large and
middle-sized companies and even their drivers as senior
executives or even vice presidents earning top salaries.
Although the government has stipulated that the children of
high-ranking cadres may not go into business, they are not
prohibited from holding senior white-collar positions in foreign
enterprises. This is a shrewd way of circumventing the law.
2. Hiring
consultants. In order to land a big project, some multinationals
set up completely unrelated companies that hire senior cadres as
consultants with annual salaries sometimes exceeding 1 million
yuan (approximately $125,000).
3. Offering equity
rights. This is very common in the real estate industry. To
obtain a piece of land, some foreign real estate companies
promise Chinese public relations officers equity rights in a
future project.
4. Student
financial aid. Since 1998, a famous foreign enterprise that has
invested astonishingly large sums in China has been running an
MBA program "mainly for high government officials and senior
managers in the telecommunications industry" in conjunction with
a number of Chinese colleges, universities and research
institutions. It has even had a college named after it.[20] Such
educational institutions boast world-class faculty, educational
resources, high tuition and a large student body, but students
sponsored by foreign companies usually don't have to pay tuition
out of their own pockets. Foreign companies choose elite cadres
with high potential, knowing that they will forge excellent ties
with foreign staff while at the university—ties that stand to
benefit the companies over the long term. Compared with how
Chinese companies hand out bribes, such methods employed by
foreign companies constitute a very clever long-term investment
that is not easily detected by law-enforcement agencies.
5. Nepotism and
cronyism. Many heads of Chinese communication enterprises have
their own companies, and the nominal investors in these
companies are often their family members or friends, concealing
true relationships. It is said that the most common
money-laundering tool is a company that ostensibly provides
consulting services. Consulting fees can be set very high, which
makes consulting an ideal vehicle for bribery.
The article noted
that bribery may account for 10 percent of the cost of a
contract.
The Asia-Pacific
Economic Times article’s claims that multinational
telecommunications companies excel in the art of bribery are
supported by Ethan Gutmann in his book Losing New China.[21] It
is also what Oriental Outlook Weekly (Liaowang Dongfang Zhoukan)
reported in a February 9 article entitled, "The controversial
practice of economists acting as spokespersons for private
enterprise."[22] Ethan Gutmann's book recounts how Motorola
became involved in graft. The Oriental Outlook Weekly article
reports that the Chinese telecommunications industry based its
policies almost completely on the advice of a well-known Chinese
economist.
The bribes given by
"provincial" Hong Kong and Taiwanese investors cannot compare
with this sophisticated style of bribery, which is based on a
long-term strategy. Hong Kong and Taiwanese investors give
bribes as a tactical measure rather than as part of a strategic
vision.
Has foreign
investment promoted China's democratization?
Foreign investment
has influenced China in a number of ways, both negatively and
positively. On the positive side, it has brought China advanced
management techniques and employment opportunities. But from the
standpoint of political development, the proposition that
"massive foreign investment will eventually spur China's
democratization" is clearly flawed. Indeed, the negative
political impact of foreign investment cannot be
underestimated.
First of all,
foreign companies lobbying for their own interests have greatly
influenced their own governments' China policies. Many foreign
businessmen urge their governments to establish good relations
with the Chinese government and not to criticize China's human
rights record and political system. This has substantially
decreased international pressure on China's government to
improve human rights, and as a result, the human rights
situation in China continues to deteriorate.
Secondly, foreign
investors help corrupt Chinese officials establish alternative
mechanisms for retiring from politics. Multinational companies
often employ overseas channels to pay bribes, for example,
opening Swiss bank accounts, obtaining foreign passports and
residence permits, or arranging for the children of corrupt
officials to study abroad or to emigrate. These are the forms of
bribery most coveted by Chinese officials, and which Hong Kong
and Taiwanese businesses cannot offer. With the help of foreign
companies, China's corrupt officials have been able to discard
the traditional Confucian "Boat and Water" theory that prevented
the emperor from exploiting the people. The Confucian idea that
"water can bear the boat, but it can also capsize it" required
the ruler to maintain a reasonable relationship with the people
for his own benefit. It was similar to the relationship between
wolves and sheep. Just as it is in the wolf's best interest not
to kill too many sheep so that they will be able to reproduce,
it is also in the government's interest not to exploit the
people too much. However, now that corrupt officials can retire
abroad and do not have to share the polluted environment or the
degraded and insecure society that they have created for their
people, they can conduct themselves as they see fit without
bearing the consequences.
The arguments that
"economic development will spur political reform" and that
"massive foreign investment will help China's democratization"
are based on assumptions that ought to be set aside, because
China's reality proves that the opposite is actually the case.
Translated by
Paul Frank
This article is
drawn from two series of articles originally published in
Chinese in Taiwan News Weekly: “Huaijie chengzhi: waizi zai
zhongguode ruxiangsuisu,” August 5-13, 2004, and “Zhongguo xiyin
waizi mianlin zhuangzhedian,” June 16-24, 2005.
------------------------------------------------------
[1] See Address at
the Fortune Global Forum by Bo Xilai, May 18th, 2005,
http://en.investteda.org/informationcenter/hottopics/Fortuneglobalforum2005/t20050622_3491.htm.
[2] Quote
attributed to Bo Xilai at the Fortune Global Forum in Beijing in
May 2005, in an article posted on the Web site of China’s
Ministry of Commerce:
http://www.mofcom.gov.cn/aarticle/a/200505/20050500093750.html.
&nbsࡰ; [3] Financial
Times, February 18, 2005. Translator’s note: I have
back-translated this title from Chinese, because I have not been
able to find the original English-language article in the
Financial Times archives.
[4] Jin Shan,
“Difang zhengfu xuyao waizi, zhongwai qiye suodeshui bing gui
gezhi [Local governments need foreign investment, merger of
income tax rates for China and foreign enterprises shelved],”
Caijing Shibao, Dec. 18, 2004, available at:
http://finance.sina.com.cn/g/20041218/11111234626.shtml.
[5] Shi Hua, “Waiqi
zai hua bei nian bishui 300 yi yuan [Foreign enterprises evade
taxes totaling 30 billion yuan every year],” Huanqiu Shibao,
July 7, 2004, posted at:
http://bbc.icxo.com/read.jsp?aid=12464&uid=4817.
[6] Tong Yuemei,
“Dongxi liangyi beibu shanqu waizi qiye jin ban kuisun [Nearly
half of foreign invested enterprises in the east, west and
northern hills lose money],” Jinyang Online,
http://www.ycwb.com/gb/content/2005-05/25/content_908477.htm.
[7] Yang Ying,
“Qianyi waizi cheli yiwen, tanbi waizi dianli dierci tuichao
diyin [Questions over the withdrawal of 100 billion in foreign
investment, exploring the reasons for the second ebb tide in
foreign investment in power companies],” Zhongguo Touzi, May 13,
2005, available at:
http://finance.sina.com.cn/chanjing/b/20050513/12551585780.shtml.
[8] See Ethan
Gutmann, Losing the New China: A Story of American Commerce,
Desire and Betrayal, Encounter Books, 2004.
[9] Translator’s
note: For the sake of readability, I have used the terms
“foreign company” or “foreign enterprises” throughout this
translation, although the term “foreign-invested enterprise”
(FIE), which is used in official Chinese sources, would be more
accurate.
[10] Translator’s
note: The saying "When transplanted, the orange tree produces
bad fruit" appears in numerous Chinese classical sources, most
famously in The Spring and Autumn Annals of Master Yan (Yanzi
Chunqiu), a book traditionally dated to the Warring States
Period (475-221 BC). See
http://hk.geocities.com/chinpcp/confucism/a_o.htm.
[11] Huang Xiang,
“Zhongguo xiyin waizi hai neng baochi zengchang ma? 2004 nian
waishang touzi diaocha [Can China continue to increase its
foreign investment? A survey on foreign business in 2004],”
Zhongguo Waizi Online, June 6, 2004,
http://www.chinafiw.com/e_m/site/mysystem390.asp?trans_infoid=55129.
[12] “Zhongguo 2003
nian xiyan waizi shijie diyi [China number one in attracting
foreign investment in 2003],” Renmin Ribao, July 5, 2004.
[13] Translator’s
note: In a footnote Karl Marx wrote, "Capital is said by a
Quarterly Reviewer to fly turbulence and strife, and to be
timid, which is very true; but this is very incompletely stating
the question. Capital eschews no profit, or very small profit,
just as Nature was formerly said to abhor a vacuum. With
adequate profit, capital is very bold. . . If turbulence and
strife will bring a profit, it will freely encourage both." See
Capital, Volume I, Part VIII, Chapter 31, “Genesis of the
Industrial Capitalist,” at
http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch31.htm
.
[14] Liu Yun and
Chi Xiaoli, “Shouhui miansu diyi ren, shouhui waiqi jingli bei
yunxu daizui ligong [Corrupt manager of foreign enterprise
avoids serving time],” Xinhua Online, Shandong Channel, July 18,
2003.
[15] “Waiqi Fubai:
kuaguo gongsi shengcunde ‘qian guize’ [Foreign enterprise
corruption: the “hidden rules” of survival for multinationals],”
posted on a bulletin board of the Web site of Peking
University’s Guanghua School of Management,
http://edp.gsm.pku.edu.cn/bbs/viewthread.php?tid=152&sid=7Fj5BQ.
[16] Jinghua Shibao,
April 9, 2004, B44, and April 10, 2004, p. 30.
[17] “Andelu
shexian zai toubiao Zhongguo guojia dajuyuan guocheng zhong wubi
[Andreu implicated in bribery in National Theater bid],” http://arts.tom.com,
May 31, 2004, 9:07; original source Wang Fang, “Faguo meiti
gongzhong menglie pengji, tongpi ‘doufuzha gongcheng [French
media audience harshly criticize ‘bean curd engineering’],’”
Huanqiu Shibao (Globe Times), May 26, 2004, posted on People’s
Daily Online.
[18] Cheryl W. Gray
& Daniel Kaufmann, "Corruption and Development," Finance &
Development, March 1998, Volume 35, Number 1, online at
www.worldbank.org/fandd/english/0398/articles/020398.htm
.
[19] The original
article can be accessed at:
http://www.emkt.com.cn/news/other/2004-07-23/10357.html.
[20] Translator’s
note: He Qinglian may be referring to Siemens Management
College. By August 2002, Siemens had set up 12 training centers
in China and more than 800 of Siemens local staff had received
senior management training at the Siemens Management College in
Beijing.
[21] Gutmann, op
cit.
[22] Yang Fan,
“Duli dongshi mei you shiji zuoyong, zhi shi weile jiaqiang
qiyejia he jingjixuejia lianmeng,” Liaowang Dongfang Zhoukan
[Oriental Outlook Weekly], Feb. 9, 2004, accessible at: http://finance.sina.com.cn/jygl/20040209/1539623313.shtml.

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